Monthly Archives: September 2013

Roxane’s Arrival in Alexander’s Tent to the King’s Regret

For previous posts in this series click here

It has been nearly a month since the last post in this series, so welcome back, and apologies for the delay. By taking so long to write this, I have not done myself any favours in terms of remembering previous scenes in the film, so if you see any errors caused by me forgetful do feel free to point them out in the combox.
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Scenes Covered

  1. Roxane’s Arrival in Alexander’s Tent
  2. Hephaestion comforts Alexander

Roxane’s Arrival in Alexander’s Tent
Three days have passed since Alexander murdered Black Cleitus; for three days he has lain in his bed chamber and wept for his crime. The scene opens as Roxane sweeps into the royal tent demanding to see her husband. Her path, however, is blocked by Hephaestion; the king does not want to see anyone, he tells her, “not even you.”
“He needs me.” Roxane insists.
No, he doesn’t.” Hephaestion replies.
“And he needs you?” she retorts, jealously. Hephaestion smiles sarcastically at her pettiness and glances at Cassander, as if to say, Why did you bring her here? She comes with nothing and can give the king nothing.
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As Hephaestion turns back to the bed chamber, Cassander calls out that he has made a mistake. Why? I think because he wants Alexander back on his feet by any means possible and as soon as possible. The way to achieve this? By giving him his wife. Sex will sort him out. Hephaestion knows better, though, and thus ignores him as he walks past the joint Macedonian-Persian guard and back into the bed chamber.
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Hephaestion comforts Alexander
The first thing we see after Hephaestion returns to the bed chamber is a white snake slithering over Alexander’s leg. Oliver Stone could hardly be more unsubtle about at least one source of the king’s anguish if he tried. Only Philip is mention in the ensuing conversation; after the snake’s appearance, though, Olympias doesn’t need to be.
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In this scene, Alexander looks one part grief struck and two parts stoned. Before we turn to his conversation with Hephaestion it is worth nothing who the other person in the room is - Bagoas the eunuch.
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Thoughts on Bagoas
Bagoas is only mentioned once by Plutarch (in connection with a dancing contest that he won), and seems to be completely ignored by both Arrian and Diodorus. Curtius mentions him a very few times. His most detailed reference is to a lurid story about how Bagoas brought about the execution of Orsines, satrap of Pasargadae.
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I strongly suspect that Curtius embellishes this story. It is far too neat to be completely accurate. For example, Curtius represents the ‘cast’ in a very simplistic fashion. Orsines is the good guy - ‘a man preeminent among all the barbarians for his nobility and wealth’; while Bagoas is condemned as ‘the unconscionable male whore’. Boo, hiss. For me, Curtius’ account reads more like the plot of Othello (Bagoas as Iago, Alexander as Othello and Orsines as Michael Cassio) than an account of a real event.
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Despite the above mentioned insult, Curtius’ dislike for Bagoas seems to stem from the fact that the latter is Alexander’s receiving sexual partner, for he refers to Bagoas ‘submitting to the shame of the sexual act’ (Curtius X. 1. 29). To be fair to him, he does elsewhere mention Bagoas in a positive capacity, but it is a real blink-and-you’ll-miss-it moment.

Darius had had a sexual relationship with him and presently Alexander did, too. It was Bagoas’ pleas that did most to influence Alexander to pardon Nabarzanes.
(X. 6. 23)

The paucity of references to Bagoas in the sources and Curtius’ probable embellishment of the Orsines story suggests to me that Bagoas was not a very important person within Alexander’s court. If he had been, I don’t think he would have disappeared from the historical record at Alexander’s death. By-the-bye, and rather interestingly given that they were not always so committed to Alexander’s integrationist policies, the Macedonian soldiers (rank and file apart from the senior officers or both?) appear to have liked Bagoas. It may have been the liking of superiors to inferiors but nevertheless, it was there. Plutarch tells us that after Bagoas won his dancing competition, he,

… seated himself beside the king. At the sight the Macedonians applauded loudly and shouted to Alexander to kiss the winner, until at last the king put his arms around him and kissed him.
(Plutarch, Life of Alexander, 68)

Back to the film
Where does this put us in regards the film? I think Oliver Stone’s Bagoas is definitely informed by the sources. His silence - both in this scene and others - evokes the fact that he rarely appears in the source material. It also shows that he is respectful of the hierarchy of relationships that exists in the Macedonian court. That is why he remains quiet even when Hephaestion implicitly criticises him when he tells Alexander that he has ‘gone too far’. If there is any truth at all to Curtius’ Orsines story then it shows that Bagoas was capable of speaking out. That was against a Persian, though; I know of no occasion when he attempted to turn Alexander against a Macedonian. Perhaps that is why the Macedonian soldiers were so humoured by him.
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At first glance, Hephaestion appears to be fighting a desperate rearguard action in order to bring Alexander out of his guilt and grief. A couple of things that he says really jumped out at me.

“Come. You know more than any… great deeds are done by men who took and never regretted. You’re Alexander. Pity and grief will only destroy you.”

On the face of it, this is a reprehensible thing for anyone to say as it justifies any amount of wickedness. In the context of that scene, though, I can understand why Hephaestion resorted to saying it. Alexander has sunk so low he can only be saved by a similarly great act of affirmation by his friend. I can just imagine Hephaestion thinking ‘Perhaps I went too far, there; it doesn’t matter - there will be time to row back later.’

“Sometimes to expect the best of everyone is arrogance.”

Really? Really?? Actually, if you are the king of an army, yes, it can be. What seemed at first to be a very unwise comment suddenly comes across as being very wise indeed.
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Arrian states that Anaxarchus the sophist philosopher laughed when summoned to Alexander’s tent after Black Cleitus’ death.

“Don’t you know,” he said, “why the wise men of old made justice to sit by the side of Zeus? It was to show that whatever Zeus may do is justly done. In the same way all the acts of a great king should be considered just, first by himself, then by the rest of us.”
(Arrian, IV. 9)

This comment may be contrasted to what Alexander in the film tells Hephaestion,

“Philip once said that there’s a titan in all of us. That they wait, mixed in our ashes. It wasn’t because of the wine, I killed. It was because I wanted to.”

This comment is both ancient - for its reference to the influence of the titans - and modern; how many times have we heard of a famous person who is suffering in some way or another due to their ‘inner demons’? Of course, Alexander appears to literally believe in the presence of the Titans within himself whereas for us ‘inner demons’ are a metaphor for our own faults* but we meet him at the point at which we agree that we humans are a fallible people. What does Hephaestion have to say to that? Unfortunately, we do not get to find out, as the film now cuts to the scene that will lead to Philip II’s death. You can be sure, though, that he stayed close to Alexander for he was his friend.
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* I believe this to be the case also in regards educated Christians as well as non-religious people. A Christian who knows his faith will assert that while the Devil is real his rôle is as a tempter of souls rather than - except in a few extreme cases involving either him or one of his minions - a possessor. I avoid mentioning the beliefs of Islam and Judaism in this respect as I don’t know where they stand on this point.

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The Sources Speak: Diodorus on Ptolemy Pt 4

  • An index of the other posts in this series can be found here
  • I am using the Loeb Classical Library’s edition of Diodorus’ Library of History (Harvard University Press, 2004) for this post.

320 BC
IX. 18. 33 - 36
PP. 105 - 115
We left Ptolemy at the end of the last post preparing for war with Perdiccas. Diodorus tells us that arriving at the Nile river, Perdiccas tried to ‘clear out an old canal’ only for his work to be destroyed when the Nile broke through his barriers. This prompted a number of desertions from his army. The deserters did not just drift away but joined Ptolemy’s army. I wonder what else had happened that they decided to do this.
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Diodorus calls Perdiccas ‘a man of blood’, a usurper who ‘wished to rule all by force’. By contrast, Ptolemy ‘was generous and fair’ and even something of a democrat as he permitted all his commanders ‘the right to speak frankly’. Furthermore, he was a very intelligent general, having ‘secured all the most important points in Egypt’. This would help save his life when Antigonus and Demetrius attacked him in 306. Diodorus rightly considers that Ptolemy’s good character and strategic common sense gave him ‘the advantage in his undertakings, since he had many persons who were well disposed to him and ready to undergo danger gladly for his sake’.
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Putting his setback at the canal behind him, Perdiccas continued on his way. Following an overnight march, he arrived on the other side of the Nile opposite the Fort of Camels. At daybreak, Perdiccas crossed the river and began his assault. Ptolemy and his troops arrived to defend the position and battle was joined.
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As I read Diodorus’ account of this engagement I was not only struck by how favourably he treats Ptolemy - I am used to that now - but by how heroic he makes him. It reminded me of someone else. This is what he says,

  • Ptolemy… had the best soldiers near himself
  • [He] wished to encourage the other commanders and friends to face the dangers[, so posted] himself on the top of the outwork
  • … with utter contempt of the danger, [he struck and disabled] those who were coming up the ladders
  • Following [Ptolemy's] example, his friends fought boldly…
  • … many heroic conflicts were occasioned by the personal prowess of Ptolemy and his exhortations to his friends to display both their loyalty and courage

I don’t know about you, but for me it is almost like reading about Alexander all over again. I have no trouble believing that Ptolemy was a brave and noble man but I feel sure now that Diodorus had some sort of pro-Ptolemaic agenda. Perhaps I am reading too much into the above passages but their similarity to how the sources talk about Alexander is inescapable.
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The siege of the Fort of Camels lasted all day. At nightfall, the two sides withdrew. Perdiccas must have returned to the far side of the Nile because that night he marched to another crossing point, this time opposite the city of Memphis. There, he attempted another crossing. It ended in disaster as the movement of his elephants, horses and men displaced the river bed, making a hollow that caused the river to become too deep to be traversed. Perdiccas ordered the men who had managed to make the crossing back. Those who could swim returned, but many were swept away and either drowned or were killed further downstream by crocodiles.
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In keeping with his noble character, Ptolemy gathered the bodies of the dead on his side of the river and cremated them according to Greek custom. The Perdiccan soldiers now not only had a reason to hate their general but a positive reason to like Ptolemy. No wonder then that they now revolted. This lead a group of senior officers - lead by or simply including Peithon and Arrhidaeus - to assassinate Perdiccas.
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Perdiccas was killed at night time. The next day, Ptolemy entered the camp ‘and spoke in defence of his… attitude’. I suspect he could have told them he was a dog and started woofing for all that they cared. Not because he was the winning general and could do what he liked, but because he brought with him grain and other supplies; for as well as being demoralised, Perdiccas’ men were hungry.
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On the day that Ptolemy entered the Perdiccan camp - rather bravely, I have to admit, as there must have still been soldiers loyal to the defeated general there - an event took place that changed the course of history: Ptolemy turned down the chance to become Alexander IV’s and Philip III Arrhidaeus’ guardian. Instead, although Ptolemy,

… was in a position to assume the guardianship of the kings… he did not grasp at this, but rather, since he owed a debt of gratitude to Pithon [sic] and Arrhidaeus, he used his influence to give them the supreme command.

Diodorus does not dwell on this moment but it is surely worthy of contemplation. Had Ptolemy gained control over the two kings he would have been de facto king of Macedon and Alexander’s empire. But only for as long as the other successors accepted his authority, which, of course, they wouldn’t have - no more than Ptolemy bowed to Perdiccas when he came knocking on Egypt’s door. By letting Peithon and Arrhidaeus take on the burden of looking after the kings, Ptolemy surely did as much for the safe keeping of his satrapy and possibility of a Ptolemaic dynasty with all that that gave us than any fight.
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Diodorus’ next few references to Ptolemy are very short and not particularly enlightening in terms of his character, so let’s quickly run through them.
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320 BC
IX. 18. 39
p. 121
The Triparadeisus Conference.

To Ptolemy [Antipater] assigned what was already his, for it was impossible to displace him, since he seemed to be holding Egypt by virtue of his own prowess as if it were a prize of war.

Well, Diodorus, it was a prize of war - Alexander’s; with all due respect to Perdiccas, Ptolemy himself had not yet fought a full-on battle to defend his territory.
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320 BC
IX. 18. 43
p. 133
In the aftermath of his defeat of Perdiccas.

As for Egypt, Ptolemy, after he had unexpectedly rid himself of Perdiccas and the royal forces, was holding that land as if it were a prize of war. Seeing that Phoenicia and Coelê Syria, as it was called, were conveniently situated for an offensive against Egypt, he set about in earnest to become master of those regions.

This is more the Ptolemy that I am used to reading about - the pragmatist who moves because he needs to not because he wants - much less because has a pothos. Actually, that makes him sound really counter-cultural. We’ll see how well that view stands up in the rest of this series.
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319 BC
IX. 18. 49
p. 147
Before his death, Antipater appointed Polyperchon to the regency of the two kings. This angered his (Antipater’s) son, Cassander, who thought that the role should have gone to him. He built a secret alliance against Polyperchon comprising of his Macedonian friends.

He also sent envoys in secret to Ptolemy, renewing their friendship and urging him to join the alliance and to send a fleet as soon as possible from Phoenicia to the Hellespont.

Ptolemy may have sent a positive response to Cassander but he didn’t give him a fleet. With no chance of success for his plot in Macedon, therefore…
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319 BC
IX. 18. 54
PP. 161 - 63
… Cassander travelled to Asia Minor, and the court of Antigonus Monophthalmus. There, he told the one-eyed general ‘that Ptolemy also had promised to be an ally’. Back in Macedon, Polyperchon knew that,

... Cassander would also gain as allies Ptolemy the ruler of Egypt, and Antigonus, who had already openly rebelled against the kings, and each of them possessed great armies and abundant wealth and was master of many nations and cities of consequence.

Well, yes, Ptolemy had rebelled against the kings (i.e. when he had fought Perdiccas), and he probably did have a pretty decent and big army; I am sure that he even had ‘abundant wealth’ but Diodorus is surely exaggerating over the extent of his domain. Many nations? Also, ‘cities of consequence’? I hope he is not talking about Alexandria here; surely it was still being built.
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318 BC
IX. 18. 62
p. 181
Eumenes called a meeting of the diadochi. After breaking his alliance with Antigonus, he needed soldiers, and they would not be forthcoming unless he could get the support of the other successors. He called a meeting, claiming that he had seen Alexander giving orders to his senior officers in a dream, and that the successors should imitate what had happened; the meeting went well, but not all were convinced…

Ptolemy, who had sailed to Zephyrium in Cilicia with a fleet, kept sending to the commanders of the Silver Shields, exhorting them not to pay any attention to Eumenes, whom all the Macedonians had condemned to death.

By ‘all the Macedonians’ he means the Perdiccan soldiers who had sentenced Eumenes to death after hearing of his victory over Craterus and Neoptolemus.
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318 BC
IX. 18. 73
p. 211

After Eumenes had news of Antigonus’ move, he thought to recover for the kings Phoenicia, which had been unjustly occupied by Ptolemy…

Antigonus’ move was to Cilicia in south-eastern Asia Minor to complete his take over of the region by destroying Eumenes before the Cardian could build up his army. Diodorus rather gives the impression that Eumenes decided to attack Phoenicia after hearing that Antigonus was coming after him, which would be a little odd. At the same time, though, he says that the news of Antigonus ‘forestalled’ Eumenes’ invasion and that he then marched north to make contact with the upper satrapies of Syria. The reason why Diodorus says Ptolemy was occupying Phoenicia unjustly is because Ptolemy seized it from Laomedon (320), who he then took captive (this is described on p. 133).
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That brings us to the end of this post. Ptolemy’s next appearance in Diodorus’ history is in 316 when he gives shelter to Seleucus who had been forced out of his satrapy of Babylonia by Antigonus. We’ll learn more about that and what happened next in the next post.

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A Letter to Arrian (14) The Dangers of Indiscipline and Drink

roman_writerMy dear Arrian,
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Recently, I was thinking about the role of spies in ancient Greece. The example I had in mind was of the Athenian embassy to Attalus after Philip II’s death. However, they were not spies, and whether they gathered intelligence when they went to see him is, in truth, a matter of conjecture. I was very interested to see, therefore, that when Alexander ordered his Companions to conclude peace talks, he also ordered them to,

… gather information about Scythia – its geographical peculiarities, the customs of its people, their numbers and military equipment.

Proper intelligence gathering!
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As you write, Alexander wanted to know about the Scythians because he intended to invade their country. With that in mind, he decided to build another city - Alexandria the Furthest* - on the banks of the Tanais River. His plans were interrupted by a revolt that spread across several native cities. It had no sooner been put down than Asian Scythians appeared on the other side of the river. Alexander wanted to attack them but Aristander told him that the ‘omens portended danger’. I am impressed that Aristander would not change his prophecy to suit the king; it must have taken great courage for him to do that.
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Now, I must acknowledge that the Roman, Curtius, says the exact opposite to you. I prefer your more sober reporting, though. Speaking of the Romans, however, Pharnuches’ retreat from Spitamenes’ cavalry in a square formation reminded me of Mark Antony’s withdrawal from Parthia in like fashion during the consulship of Lucius Gellius Publicola and Marcus Cocceius Nerva**.
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It is a great shame that Pharnuches and the officers who accompanied him were not so brave as Aristander. My heart fell as I read of the disorder that they allowed the detachment to fall into, and the officers’ refusal to take over leadership of the force. Many men died as a result of their fear and worry. Having said that, surely Alexander would not have blamed them for their defeat? It only came about, after all, because Spitamenes received the unexpected help of the Nomad Scythians.
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We now come to two very ugly incidents - the mutilation of Bessus, and murder of Black Cleitus. In the former, Alexander acted like an eastern king. In the latter, drink caused Cleitus to speak out, and drink caused Alexander to kill his friend.
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I agree with you that Bessus was treated with ‘excessive severity’ but I am a little confused by your suggestion that Alexander put his murder of Cleitus down to the wrath of Zeus and that he took responsibility for what he had done. I do not see how these statements can be reconciled. Having said that, I commend you for your questioning of Anaxarchus. If he really did argue that whatever the king does is always right then he was a deeply cynical and dangerous man. I hope that Alexander did not listen to him, but rather, let his shame lead to repentance.
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Your friend,
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φιλέλλην

The above picture is from Ancient History
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An index of all the letters can be found here
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* modern Khujand in Tajikistan
** 36 BC

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Alexander and… Leaf by Niggle

A man spends his life dedicated to a single work. When he dies suddenly, the work remains unfinished. After his death, it is broken up and eventually lost.
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This could be a summary of the life of Alexander the Great but is actually the plot of Leaf by Niggle by J. R. R. Tolkien.
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Well, I say ‘the plot’; in fact, the story goes much further as we find out what happens to Niggle after his ‘death’. It is, at least on one level, a meditation on purgatory.
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The reason I focus on Niggle’s painting, though, is that its fate invites comparison with the fate of Alexander’s empire after 323 BC. It, too, was fragmented; and in time, it too was lost forever.
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Admittedly, there are some ways in which Niggle and Alexander are decidedly unalike. After his death, Niggle and his work are forgotten about. No one has forgotten - or ever will - Alexander or his empire.

This leaf comes from the Oxford Inklings blog (link belw)

This leaf comes from the Oxford Inklings blog (link below)

Their differences notwithstanding, it is interesting how two totally different subjects can be connected at all. Indeed, the connection goes further than their life’s work; there is also something to be said about their similarities of character.
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One reason why Niggle never finishes his painting is because of the intrusions of daily life. These often come in the form of neighbours-in-need. Niggle doesn’t want to help the annoyingly needy Parish but he does so anyway. When we think of Alexander’s character, his kindness won’t necessarily be the first thing that comes to mind - and no wonder, for he could be very haughty sometimes. But this over proud Alexander was also the man who, unfashionably for his age, had a deep respect for women, loved as much as he was loved by his men, and was always prepared to be clement and reward brave enemies.
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I would like, however, to come back to their legacies. The painting and empire. That neither Alexander in reality, nor Niggle in fiction, was able to finish their work makes me wonder if any man can ever achieve his aims in life. If neither the greatest or the most lowly can what hope is there for the rest of us in between? Well, when the last human being dies we’ll know if it really was impossible. Ah.
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So, we’ll never know the answer to that question. It doesn’t matter, though, because it is irrelevant. What does matter is that although Alexander’s empire may be lost he lives on in the memory of those who admire and study him. Niggle’s painting was lost, but he (sub) created a new work even after his time in the purgatorial hospital. Death need not be the end. It may, just may, be a new beginning. ‘And that,’ said somebody else of Tolkien’s acquaintance, ‘is an encouraging thought’.

  • To read the Oxford Inklings blog, click here
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Alexander and… Grand Theft Auto V

The release of Grand Theft Auto V on 17th September will no doubt be greeted with great glee by lovers of shoot ‘em up games and great distress by people who love to be outraged.
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I am being a little unfair. While GTA is not the video game equivalent of a chess match there is much more to it than simply blasting your enemies and innocent pedestrians away with an Uzi or AK-47. For example, Grand Theft Auto IV and Tales of Liberty City, the two games in the GTA series with which I am familiar, are brilliant satires on American culture and politics in the post-9/11 world.
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I am also being unfair towards people who dislike the game. Of course, there are those whose outrage is only a cynical attempt to gain attention and / or more readers if they are newspaper columnists. But there are also people who are genuinely concerned by the game’s violence and apparently reckless attitude to life. They should be taken seriously; the fact is, people have committed crimes and cited Grand Theft Auto as an inspiration. Anyone who dismisses at least the possibility of a connection between the two is being either naive or dishonest. That Grand Theft Auto might inspire people to commit crimes should not be a surprise. It is a work of art. If it is does not move us in some way it is an artistic failure. But what are we to call a work of art that inspires people to act badly? Nothing good, that’s for sure. In this light, you may reasonably ask ‘what do I call Grand Theft Auto…?’

20130916-145348.jpg

Actually, I call Grand Theft Auto a very noble work of art. Yes, it is violent; yes, the satire can be very rude and vulgar. But there is still more to GTA than we have hitherto described. Like all works of art, it implicitly holds up a mirror to our hearts and gives us the opportunity to discover what lies therein. It may be good. It may be bad. Chances are - in common with everyone else - there is a mixture of both within us. The knowledge that we gain from this exercise enables us to correct what is wrong and nurture what is right. I hesitate to use the word ‘redemption’ in this post as it seems far too grand a word for the purpose but there is definitely a sense in which Grand Theft Auto has a redemptive (enabling) quality to it.
Now, what has all this to do with Alexander?
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Sometimes, the question of whether he was really so great comes up. He had too little time for the day-to-day work of a responsible king, drank far too much, murdered a friend, assassinated innocent people, made unnecessary war on others etc etc. In other words, he was a deeply flawed person.
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But just as Grand Theft Auto‘s redemptive quality comes from what seems to make it an artistic failure, so Alexander’s greatness comes from his apparent failures as a person. After all, if he was perfect in all respects, what would be so great about the way in which he conquered the world and spread Hellenism? Such an achievement would simply be par the course for him. No, it was because he achieved what he did despite being such a flawed person that we call him, rightly, Great.
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Alexander and the Grand Theft Auto series may be unlikely bedfellows but together they show us that even within ugliness and failure beauty and triumph may be found. All we need to do is be prepared to look for it. That is their connection, and it is a very encouraging one.

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The Sources Speak: Diodorus on Ptolemy Pt 3

  • An index of the other posts in this series can be found here
  • I am using the Loeb Classical Library’s edition of Diodorus’ Library of History (Harvard University Press, 2004) for this post.

322/21 BC
Antipater and Craterus were fighting Aetolia when Antigonus joined them. He brought bad news - Perdiccas intended to overthrow Antipater and use his regency of Alexander IV and Philip III Arrhidaeus to make himself master of Macedon.
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Antipater and Craterus summoned their senior officers and held a meeting with them to discuss this unpleasant development. Fortunately, there was total agreement on what needed to be done: 1. Make peace with the Aetolians. They could be left for another day. 2. Antipater and Craterus to take their armies to Asia Minor as quickly as possible thereafter so as to meet the threat posed by Perdiccas. 3. An embassy to be sent to Ptolemy,

… to discuss concerted action, since he was utterly hostile to Perdiccas but friendly to them…
(IX. 8. 25. p. 85)

This is Diodorus’ first reference to Ptolemy since his account of the help that Ptolemy gave to the Cyrenian exiles (as mentioned in the last post).
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While Antipater, Craterus and Antipater were holding their council, Perdiccas was in a meeting of his own with his ‘friends and generals’ (Ibid, p. 87). During it, he asked them,

… whether it was better to march against Macedonia or first to take the field against Ptolemy.
(IX. 8. 25. p. 87)

Perdiccas’ counsellors favoured fighting Ptolemy first so that ‘there might be no obstacle in the way of their Macedonian campaign’ (Ibid). Given Ptolemy’s enmity, and the fact that Antipater and Craterus had decided to ask him for his help, this was a wise move.
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Having said that, in this age of fluid alliances and friendships, I must admit that a part of me is a little surprised that Perdiccas did not make any effort to form an alliance with Ptolemy. Not only would it have removed any danger that he posed but it would have also isolated Antipater and Craterus that little bit more.
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322/21 BC
Diodorus tells us that Arridaeus (a Macedonian officer, not Philip III) ‘spent nearly two years’ making Alexander’s funeral carriage. It was a vehicle of great splendour and, it seems, even quite technologically advanced on account of being fitted with some kind of suspension system.
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Once the vehicle had been finished, he led it out of Babylon along with its bodyguard and ‘a crowd of roadmenders and mechanics’ (p.95). According to Diodorus, Arrhidaeus,

… brought the body of the king from Babylon to Egypt. Ptolemy… doing honour to Alexander, went to meet [the cortege]… receiving the body [he] deemed it worthy of the greatest consideration. He decided for the present not to send it to Ammon, but to entomb it in the city that had been founded by Alexander himself…
(IX. 8. 28. p. 95)

He decided… not to send it to Ammon‘. By Ammon, I presume that Diodorus means Siwa.
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I have always understood that the intention was to send Alexander’s body to Macedon but now that I think about it I don’t know the origin of this view. Arrian and Plutarch don’t seem to mention what happened to his body at all, while Curtius says simply that ‘Alexander’s body was taken to Memphis by Ptolemy’ and from there transported to Alexandria.
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Have I got it wrong? I don’t thinks so, because Livius says,

In December 322, Perdiccas sent the remains of Alexander to the tomb that had been prepared in Macedonia’s religious capital, Aegae.
Livius

Where did Livius get its information? Perhaps it is Justin. I don’t have a copy of his Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus so can’t check. If you know the answer to this question, I’d be delighted to hear it; do leave a comment in the combox.
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Once Ptolemy had taken Alexander’s body to Egypt, he had to prepare for Perdiccas’ coming. The following passage from Diodorus will not come as a surprise to anyone who has read the previous two posts in this series.

… men, because of [Ptolemy's] graciousness and nobility of heart, came together eagerly from all sides to Alexandria and gladly enrolled for the campaign, although the army of the kings was about to fight against that of Ptolemy; and, even though the risks were manifest and great, yet all of them willingly took upon themselves at their personal risk the preservation of Ptolemy’s safety. The gods also saved him unexpectedly from the greatest dangers on account of his courage and his honest treatment of all his friends.
(IX. 8. 28. p. 95)

At this point, I have to remind myself that Diodorus wrote his history three hundred years after Ptolemy’s death, based it mainly on Cleitarchus (not Ptolemy’s more self-serving work as used by Arrian) and had no reason that I can think of to praise Ptolemy so highly, except because that is how he is presented by his sources who - ultimately - were Macedonian soldiers. Can you think of another reason?
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Counterfactual
Ptolemy’s popularity gives me an excuse to mention the following. If Hephaestion had lived, he rather of Perdiccas (his successor as chiliarch) would have divided the empire up at the Babylon Conference. Whether or not the senior officers and phalanx still (almost) came to blows, I think that Hephaestion would eventually have become the latter’s natural leader. The phalanx was pro-Argead; Hephaestion was the philalexandros, how could they not join together? But as Diodorus indicates, Ptolemy was the man with the bravery and grace. He and Hephaestion would have made either very interesting (powerful) allies, or sharply contrasting and yet alike, enemies.
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Sadly, Hephaestion didn’t live, so we have to return to what actually happened. Namely, that seeing how powerful Ptolemy had become (Ibid) Perdiccas decided that he would lead the war against him himself. Perhaps it was Ptolemy’s popularity that caused Perdiccas to reject any possibility of a rapprochement with him: he feared that if they joined up he risked his authority being undermined by the more popular man. That fear was justified, as we’ll find out in the next post.

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The Spies of Ancient Athens: Olympias’ Real Purpose

The index of posts in this series can be read here
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Read the introduction to this series here

Zeus seduces Olympias by Giulio Romano

Zeus seduces Olympias by Giulio Romano

In the last chapter, I wondered aloud if Olympias told her handmaid that Zeus had had sex with her because she wanted Philip II to be angry and fearful of her. This would only make sense if she had a reason for wanting his enmity. But what could that reason be? Before we look at a possibility, let us look at proof that Olympias did not speak accidentally to her handmaid. She wanted Philip to turn against her; I am sure of this because at the end of 357 BC, P. sent this report back to Athens,

… [text missing] came to my rooms. Pale. Weak. [He said] King Philip ordered me to look into his bed chamber. I remembered Gyges and Candaules. I looked. Olympias lay upon her bed. Naked. A snake was curled round her thigh. Its tail rested upon her [pubic] hair. Its head rested upon her breast. [Philip said] She is a witch. Look at what I have to suffer. Look. He w[a]s drunk.

Plutarch states that Olympias may have belonged to a snake worshipping Dionysian religion and that,

[i]t was Olympias’ habit to enter into… states of possession and surrender herself to the inspiration of the god with even wilder abandon than others…

‘Look at what I have to suffer’. These words indicate not only Philip’s upset but the fact that Olympias was pursuing a policy of upsetting him as much as possible without being openly disloyal. Judging by Plutarch’s description of her religion, she had chosen the perfect vehicle to do this. But, again, why was Olympias making such an effort to anger and distress her husband? At the same time as she was sleeping with her snakes, B. was writing,

I witnessed another fight in the market place today - once again between Macedonians and a group of Epirotians. The Macedonians were complaining that there are too many Epirotians in Pella today; that they upset their wives and children; that they cast spells upon both friends and enemies; that they want to seize the throne for Epirus [my emphasis].

Did the fights in Pella just happen or were they orchestrated? The Macedonians clearly thought there was more to them than just the violence. If they were orchestrated, perhaps Olympias’ religious ‘devotion’ was simply a ruse to destabilise her husband so that he was a shadow of his former self; a softening up exercise such as the street fighters were engaged in. It seems incredible that Olympias might have been plotting against Philip at such an early stage but one day, murder did - in the eyes of many - enter her mind, for she has been plausibly accused of orchestrating Pausanias’ murder of the king.

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The Spies of Ancient Athens: The Conception of Alexander

The index of posts in this series can be read here
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Read the Introduction here
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Based on The Spies of Ancient Athens by Reynard and Grün (London, 2004)
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“Philip II of Macedon and Olympias of Epirus married in 357 BC. Their wedding was celebrated in Aegae, where Philip would meet his end at the hands of an assassin twenty-one years later.
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On the eve of the marriage, Aegae was struck by a fierce storm, which caused panic across the city. Athens appears to have had only two spies in the Macedonian court at this time; unamed in the sources, they have - since the time of Stern - been nicknamed B(road) and P(ersonal) for the type of the intelligence that they sent back to Athens.
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Thus, while B. tells us about the storm itself,

[the] … thunderstorm caused palace to shake. I saw lightening stike several homes, destroying them and burning people alive. In the market this morning, many were frightened. The storm is believed to be gods’ anger, though no-one knows for what. Whispers against king in marketplace

P. - whose reports are tightly condensed - focuses on what was happening within the palace - to no less a person than Olympias,

Myrtale* awake all night. Severe headache. Temporary blindness. Myrtale told handmaid that Zeus was ma love to her. She was not strong enough for him. Story repeated among servants. Believed to be nonsense as queen watched all night. Despite all, servants relieved - Myrtale [was] feared to be dying.

Both these reports are dated, which is how we now that Olympias suffered her migraine, or visit from Zeus, on the night of the storm. What is intriguing, though, is the fact that Olympias saw fit to tell a servant that Zeus had had sex with her. She must have known that there was a fair chance the handmaid would gossip about it and that the information might eventually come to Philip’s ears. Would he appreciate hearing that he had been cuckolded by a god? But maybe that is what Olympias wanted. Maybe she wanted him to be angry, and even fearful. We’ll come back to this idea later on.
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A few days after the storm, P. sent another report to Athens. It gives a fascinating, if rather unnerving, insight into Olympias’ character.

Myrtale entered her bed chamber. Stood at her offering table. Offerings made. [She] said, You blessed me and I was not afraid. She took a knife. Exposed her left breast and cut it next to her nipple letting the blood drop onto the offering table. She repeated the words You blessed me, and I was not afraid. I left the bed chamber in fear.

Several weeks now passed during which - Philip and Olympias’ wedding aside - nothing of consequence happened. Then, B. suddenly reported that there was,

… great consternation among seers. They walk quickly and with darting eyes through the palace, seeing everyone but speaking to no one. The servants and guards are very worried. Even Parmenion looked anxious as he drilled the men this afternoon.

B.’s next few reports contained no further information. But Athens wanted to know more.

It is very difficult to obtain information. The seers no longer walk among us but either with one another or in the shadows. When they meet, they admit no servants or slaves. Even the guards are told to wait outside.

In the end, it was P. who came good. One of the seers fell ill. As he lay on his deathbed, he spoke to his son who, it seems, was also a seer. P. was present waiting on Aristander.

Aristander** worried for Olympias. Told son Philip dreamt he sealed [her] womb. [Has she been] unfaithful?. Aristander told his son seers have advised Philip to ignore dream[. U]rged him to do same in future. Coughing fit. Expired.

There is no mention here of the ‘fact’ (according to Plutarch) that Philip - after sealing Olympias’ womb, put a seal in the shape of a lion on it. Could it be that this detail was added a later date - after Alexander had proved his leonine nature? Perhaps, but it is worth noting the following report that P. wrote in late 357 BC.

Olympias did not bleed this month. The Telmessian*** confirmed she is with child. Olympias excited. [She asked] what manner of child she would give birth to. [Aristander said i]f her child has her blood then he will be exceedingly strong and cunning.

Six months later…

Olympias bedridden. Child kicks her with great strength. Impatient to be born. Olympias said It is as if I have a lion inside me, not a baby. Many servants now afraid to go near her lest the lion break out.

P.’s use of the word ‘confirmed’ is significant as it shows that Aristander had already stated his belief that Olympias was pregnant. This would tie in with Plutarch’s sources who say that he - Aristander of Telmessus - was the only seer to correctly interpret Philip’s dream as meaning his wife was pregnant rather than unfaithful. Further to this, I wonder if - even if unwittingly - Aristander is the ultimate source of the lion seal detail. Perhaps Olympias was remembering his ‘strong and cunning’ comment when she said ‘It is as if I have a lion inside me’; her aside then became part of palace oral tradition before eventually finding its way to the Macedonian people and into Plutarch’s Lives.
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* Olympias changed her name a number of times throughout her life. The name ‘Olympias’ came in 356 BC to reflect her husband’s success at the Olympic Games
** Not Aristander of Telmessus who accompanied Alexander on his expedition across Asia
*** From later reports, we know this to be Aristander of Telmessus

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The Spies of Ancient Athens

The index of posts in this series can be read here
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Introduction
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Athens’ period of dominance in Greek affairs ended with her defeat to Sparta at the end of the Peloponnesian War (431 - 404 BC). Despite this, she continued to play an important part in the internecine conflicts that bedevilled Greece until 338 when Philip II of Macedon defeated a joint Athenian-Theban army at Chaeronea. Athens - like every other Greek city - was now a pawn to be moved about wherever the Macedonian king wished.
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However, although down, Athens was not out. Demosthenes continued to rage with all his oratorical might against Philip, and at the beginning of Alexander’s reign, the city successfully persuaded the new king to forgive her for not immediately recognising his authority over the Greeks.
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Athens’ strength was not limited to fulminating and reacting to events. She also sought to change them.
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After Philip’s murder, Alexander ordered the assassination of anyone who he feared might oppose his rule. Amongst those killed was Philip’s last wife, Cleopatra Euridike, and her children, Europa and Caranus. Europa and (especially) Caranus had to die as their bloodline made them too dangerous for Alexander to let live. Cleopatra didn’t but - according to Peter Green - was murdered by Olympias anyway out of spite.
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The deaths of Philip’s last family put the future of Cleopatra Euridike’s guardian, the general Attalus, into question. He was in Asia Minor when Philip was killed, waiting for the arrival of the king and the start of the campaign against the Persian Empire.
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Attalus had no claim of his own to the Macedonian throne, but it is not hard to imagine that on hearing of the death of his ward and her children, he would seek to take revenge by making common cause with Alexander’s Greek enemies, and lead a Greek army into Macedon. Diodorus tells us that this is exactly what Alexander did fear. And indeed, it might have happened as Athens sent secret agents to Asia Minor to discuss a possible alliance with the general.
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As we know, Attalus was assassinated. What really intrigues me about this moment in history, though, is Athens’ use of ‘secret agents’. In truth, they are probably more accurately called envoys rather than spies but there was definitely a cloak and dagger feel to their mission. As Diodorus says, the city ‘[c]ommunicated secretly’ with him. I would be very surprised if the agents did not bring back to Athens intelligence relating to the size and state of the Macedonian army under Attalus’ command.
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These questions have lead me to ask myself (whimsically, I admit) what if Athens had a secret intelligence service? What if she had agents in foreign courts sending reports back to the city? What would those reports say? For all I know, this is exactly what did happen; if so, I confess it is not an element of ancient Greek history I know anything about. These posts, therefore, are my imagining of what those reports would say. To give them a little context, the posts are presented as if they were extracts from a book titled ‘The Spies of Ancient Athens’.

  • The chief inspiration for this series of posts is a book titled Russian Roulette on how British spies took on Bolshevik Russia following the 1917 Revolution there. I have not enjoyed reading a book so much recently and heartily recommend it. It’s Amazon page is here but I am sure it will be available from all good bookshops.
Categories: The Spies of Ancient Athens | Tags: , , , , | 2 Comments

The Broken Road by Patrick Leigh Fermor

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There is something poignant and mysterious about incomplete masterpieces

Thus begins the introduction to The Broken Road, the third and final part of Patrick Leigh Fermor’s account of his walk across Europe - from the Hook of Holland to Constantinople between 1933 and 1935, which was published today.

These words, however, are not Leigh Fermor’s. He died in 2011 at the age of 96 having spent over twenty years trying to write this book. Ironically, he almost already had. The Broken Road is based on a manuscript that Leigh Fermor wrote in the sixties. It has been edited by Artemis Cooper and Colin Thubron. The omens are good for this book. Thubron and Cooper are both distinguished writers in their own right. Cooper wrote the excellent biography of Leigh Fermor that appeared last year.

As with Paddy Leigh Fermor so with Alexander. His masterpiece was his expedition across the world. What could he have achieved if the hearts of his men not given out? If Hephaestion had not died? If he had not drunk so much, received so many injuries, perhaps - just perhaps - if one or more of his officers had not poisoned him?

We’ll never know. And we’ll never know what PLF’s Broken Road would have looked like, or even how it would have been titled; this one is Cooper’s and Thubron’s and is given in recognition of the fact that the account ends just before Leigh Fermor reaches Constantinople.

We are left with informed guesses, our imagination and wise heads like Cooper and Thubron to guide us. As I sit in the pub with a celebratory beer - yes, I like PLF that much! - I can’t wait to walk the last stage of Leigh Fermor’s journey with him and with thanks to those who have made this experience possible.

As I read I shall say a little thank you to those men whose effort has kept the memory of Alexander alive. Their texts are all political in one way or another but I’d rather have that than no text at all.

Categories: Echoes of Alexander, Of The Moment | Leave a comment

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